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analysis of the demographic debacle of Mexico, offered in the guise of ten plagues , is remarkably consistent with the analysis offered by Las Casas. See Massimo Livi Bacci, Conquest: The Destruction of the American Indios (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2008), 25–30.
    4. On the delayed arrival of smallpox, see Alfred W. Crosby Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972), 46; and Livi Bacci, “Return to Hispaniola,” 42. Carl O. Sauer noted as much in the mid-1960s in The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 204. Writing in 2002, Noble David Cook made the best case for an early introduction of smallpox to Española but conceded that no one had yet found any mention of the illness among the Taíno population in 1493 or 1494. Cook, “Sickness, Starvation, and Death in Early Hispaniola,” 371. On the spread of syphilis, see Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, book 2, chap. 13. See also Livi Bacci, Conquest, 56–63. For the influenza thesis, see Francisco Guerra, “La epidemia Americana de influenza en 1493,” Revista de Indias 14:176 (1985), 325–347; and Francisco Guerra, “The Earliest American Epidemic: The Influenza of 1493,” Social Science History 12:3 (Autumn 1988), 305–325. For a broader consideration of the role of epidemics in the early Caribbean, see Noble David Cook, Born to Die: Disease and New World Conquest, 1492–1650 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 15–59.
    5. See the sources in the previous note, as well as Cook, “Sickness, Starvation, and Death in Early Hispaniola,” 369. Variola can survive outside the human body for weeks according to Frank Fenner, Donald A. Henderson, Isao Arita, Zdenek Jezek, and Ivan D. Ladnyi, Smallpox and Its Eradication, cited in Elizabeth A. Fenn, Pox Americana: The Great Smallpox Epidemic of 1775–82 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001), 15. The large treatise by Fenner and coauthors is generally considered the definitive work on smallpox.
    6. Mira Caballos, El indio antillano, 34; Luis Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española (Madrid: Ediciones Fundación García Arévalo, 1991), passim; Livi Bacci, “Return to Hispaniola,” 3–51.
    7. For a very candid discussion of the methods used by one of the leading High Counters, see Woodrow Borah, “The Historical Demography of Latin America: Sources, Techniques, Controversies, Yields,” in Paul Deprez, ed., Population and Economics: Proceedings of Section V of the Fourth Congress of the International Economic History Association, 1968 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1970), 187–188. See also the more recent discussion by David Henige, “Recent Work and Prospects in American Indian Contact Population,” History Compass 6:1 (2008), 183–206.
    8. Works that revise down the High Counters’ estimates for the Caribbean include Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas; Mira Caballos, El indio antillano, 33–70; and Livi Bacci, “Return to Hispaniola,” 3–51. For an interesting study of the synergies between epidemics and the Indian slave trade in a different geographic area, see Kelton, Epidemics and Enslavement, passim. Indian vulnerability to disease was greatly affected by malnutrition, overwork, and other environmental factors, as David S. Jones has noted. Jones, “Virgin Soils Revisited,” 703–742.
    9. Of the many biographies of Columbus, Samuel Eliot Morison’s continues to exert enormous influence. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of Christopher Columbus (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970). For an in-depth, more recent treatment of some of Columbus’s geographic assumptions, see Nicolás Wey Gómez, The Tropics of Empire: Why Columbus Sailed South to the Indies (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008). On the negotiations with the Spanish monarchs, see Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso, “La negociación Colombina de las Indias,”