Great Pacific War: A History of the American-Japanese Campaign of 1931-33 Read Online Free

have been severely dealt with the divisional commander reports that acts of disobedience have occurred in other regiments. Only this evening a despatch has been received from Kanazawa, reporting a mutinous outbreak among the troops of that division. We shall therefore do well not to place too great a strain on the loyalty of the army.
    Now, gentlemen, it seems to me that the only alternative to civil war is a diversion abroad, which would inflame the declining patriotism of the people and provide them with something to think about in place of their imaginary grievances. There can be no doubt that at the first threat of foreign aggression all sections of the community would forget their differences and rally to the support of the Government. It has always happened before; it will surely happen again. And, as a matter of fact, such a threat already exists. The recent epidemic of militarism in China has not subsided; on the contrary it is increasing, and at any moment we may be forced to defend our vital interests in that country at the point of the sword. We have positive evidence that American money, arms, and equipment are pouring into China for the purpose of enabling her to attack us, and now comes this affair of the Sayers concession to prove, if proof were needed, that America is stealthily manoeuvring to destroy our privileged position in those lands which we have brought under our economic sway by the labour and sacrifice of years. If we elect to wait until America and her Chinese confederates are ready to strike, we may find ourselves driven out of the Continent, including Korea; and that, of course, would mean the end of Japan as a Power that counts in world affairs.
    ‘I therefore propose that we make clear without delay our firm resolve to tolerate no foreign interference with our rights. This will not necessarily mean war, but if war should result I think we could face it calmly. The staffs of the army and navy are in complete agreement on that point. The military position vis-à-vis China is favourable at the moment, but it will, of course, turn more and more against us as the reorganisation of the Chinese army progresses. The naval position, I am assured, is such that a conflict with America could be entered into with every prospect of a happy issue. For the rest, we have a gold reserve that experts declare to be adequate for the contingency in view; provided our communications with the Continent are kept open there will be no shortage of essential supplies, and our industry is now sufficiently organised and developed to produce all the material necessary for a campaign of some duration. Finally there is no reason to suppose that we should have to deal with any enemies other than China and America. Our relations with other Powers are on a footing that, rules out the possibility of their taking up arms against us unless their interests were directly molested, which we should be particularly careful to avoid.
    ‘And now let us consider the advantages we should derive from a favourable issue of this struggle in defence of our national existence. In the first place it would scotch, if not completely kill, the demon of anarchy who has been rearing his head in our country of late. Chastened in the hard school of war, our people would turn aside from the baneful doctrines which foreign agitators have been propagating, and revert to their former allegiance. For a generation at least the country would be purged of the revolutionary poison which has invaded its system. Secondly, our position in China would become impregnable, and we could henceforth continue the development of its resources without fear of interruption. Thirdly, we could set up impassable barriers against the extension of those Western influences, moral as well as material, which have wrought so much harm in the past to the peoples of Asia, and which, if allowed to spread, will end by bringing the whole Continent under the domination of the white race.