that huge numbers in this age group
regularly came to school drunk. Dr. Darold Treffert, of Wisconsin's Mental
Health Institute, observed that millions of children and young adults are
now plagued by a gnawing emptiness or meaninglessness expressed not as a
fear of what may happen to them, but rather as a fear that nothing will
happen to them." Official figures from government reports released during
1971-72 recorded that the United States has 4 million schizophrenics, 4
million seriously disturbed children, 9 million alcoholics, and 10 million
people suffering from severely disabling depression. In the early 1970s,
it was reported that 25 million adults were using Valium; by 1980, Food
and Drug Administration figures indicated that Americans were downing
benzodiazepines (the class of tranquilizers which includes Valium) at a
rate of 5 billion pills a year. Hundreds of thousands of the nation's
children, according to "The Myth of the Hyperactive Child" by Peter
Schrag and Diane Divoky (1975), are being drugged in the schools, and
one-fourth of the American female population in the thirty-to-sixty age
group uses psychoactive prescription drugs on a regular basis. Articles in
popular magazines such as "Cosmopolitan" urge sufferers from depression
to drop in to the local mental hospital for drugs or shock treatments,
so that they can return to their jobs as quickly as possible. "The drug
and the mental hospital," writes one political scientist, "have become
the indispensable lubricating oil and reservicing factory needed to
prevent the complete breakdown of the human engine."10
These figures are American in degree, but not in kind. Poland and
Russia are world leaders in the consumption of hard liquor; the
suicide rate in France has been growing steadily; in West Germany,
the suicide rate doubled between 1966 and 1976.11 The insanity of Los
Angeles and Pittsburgh is archetypal, and the "misery index" has been
climbing in Leningrad, Stockholm, Milan, Frankfurt and other cities
since midcentury. If America is the frontier of the Great Collapse,
the other industrial nations are not far behind.
It is an argument of this book that we are not witnessing a peculiar
twist in the fortunes of postwar Europe and America, an aberration that
can be tied to such late twentieth-century problems as inflation, loss of
empire, and the like. Rather, we are witnessing the inevitable outcome
of a logic that is already centuries old, and which is being played out
in our own lifetime. I am not trying to argue that science is the cause
of our predicament; causality is a type of historical explanation which
I find singularly unconvincing. What I am arguing is that the scientific
world view is integral to modernity, mass society, and the situation
described above. It is our consciousness, in the Western industrial
nations -- uniquely so -- and it is intimately bound up with the emergence
of our way of life from the Renaissance to the present. Science, and our
way of life, have been mutually reinforcing, and it is tor this reason
that the scientific world view has come under serious scrutiny at the
same time that the industrial nations are beginning to show signs of
severe strain, if not actual disintegration.
From this perspective, the transformations I shall be discussing, and the
solutions I dimly perceive, are epochal, and this is all the more reason
not to relegate them to the realm of theoretical abstraction. Indeed,
I shall argue that such fundamental transformations impinge upon the
details of our daily lives far more directly than the things we may think
to be most urgent: this Presidential candidate, that piece of pressing
legislation, and so on. There have been other periods in human history
when the accelerated pace of transformation has had such an impact on
individual lives, the Renaissance being the most recent example prior
to the present. During such periods, the