on
risk-taking (not just financial but also reputational) were loosened. Those
in areas such as proprietary trading had the opportunity to make more money
than banking partners if they made the firm significant amounts of money.
The incentive was to ask for and to invest as much capital as possible,
because the more money you were given, the more you could potentially make
with your trades. Traders could argue that if they worked at a hedge fund
they would receive 10 to 20 percent of the profits they generated and if
they didn’t get paid correspondingly by Goldman, they could
leave. And with so many more hedge funds cropping up, if the trades
didn’t work out and you got fired, you could be almost sure
you’d get a job at another bank or a hedge fund. The attitude of
many was that the Goldman pedigree would get you another job somewhere for sure. 8
One might ask how the change in the attitude toward risk was
evaluated by the board of directors. After 2002, when the
Sarbanes–Oxley Act became law, Goldman’s board was
composed largely of independent directors, most of them prominent in
business and academia. However, according to interviews, none of them had
ever focused on trading for a living. None would probably have been
classified as an expert in risk management by most trading experts. The
directors owned very little Goldman stock (less than 0.1 percent of the
total company), and what they owned generally was not significant to their
net worth. An interviewee speculated that the fact that Goldman’s
traders were making enormous sums of money for the firm and themselves also
made it unlikely the board would question that success.
In fact, it could have created the opposite effect. One partner I
interviewed said that the directors were not likely to question people who
made tens of millions of dollars and whose returns on equity and profits
exceeded those of their peers. Another partner speculated that as trading
became more important after the IPO and risk management was more critical,
the board relied on Lloyd Blankfein and his number two, Gary Cohn, from
trading, instead of Hank Paulson, and that may have contributed to
Paulson’s decision to leave to become secretary of the
Treasury.
When I was in proprietary trading, one of the partners received a
voicemail from Paulson, CEO at the time, on which I was copied. It related
to risk. The partner forwarded the message to Blankfein, answering the
question and asking Blankfein to deal with it. I asked the partner why he
had not responded directly to Paulson. He seemed more than a little annoyed
at my curiosity, saying essentially that Paulson knew a lot about clients
but little about trading risk, and he did not have the time to explain it to
Paulson. Whether or not Paulson understood trading risk, the fact that a
partner did not want to deal with the CEO was surprising to me. This was in
stark contrast to when I was an analyst in the early 1990s, when the senior
partner was held with the deepest respect. I remember being told that when
one goes to see the senior partner of the firm, one must wear a suit jacket
to show respect. In hindsight, I think I intuitively felt that Hank would
probably not be around for much longer if traders didn’t have the
time for him, and I privately questioned if a banker would ever again be
head of Goldman. But I don’t remember giving it that much
thought. I just went back to my daily routine.
Misaligned Incentives
Goldman’s incentive structure, like those of other
banks, also evolved in response to the changing nature of the
firm’s business mix. Rob Kaplan, former vice chairman of Goldman,
said that banks’ visions changed as they placed emphasis on
trading (see chapter 5 ). It
became more about making money than about “the value-added vision.” 9
More Cultural Stress: Envy, Self-Interest, and Greed
One of the basic