moving in the right direction. But the last six months have been little short of disastrous, and violence seems increasingly likely.â
HasoviÄ nodded as though only half listening. He knew all of this.
âThe ambassador tells me that you are a patriot. I hope that you appreciate the urgency of the situation, the need to overcome not only the legacy of the war but the legacy of the peace as well. Bosnia needs a new deal and a new political framework. And I need your help to get there.â
HasoviÄâs eyebrows had lifted in what struck Eric as amusement at Sondergaardâs description of him as a patriot.
âMadam Ambassador,â HasoviÄ said. âYou are still new to this part of the world. With all respect, we have seen many emissariescome with many plans. Almost all of them fail, and the envoys depart leaving those of us who live here to suffer the . . .â He turned and looked at Eric.
âPosledice.â
âConsequences.â
âHvala.â
âWe must all take risks in the service of peace,â Sondergaard said.
âAfter you, Ambassador.â
Sondergaard and HasoviÄ sparred for another twenty minutes, with Ambassador Wylie occasionally interjecting his own views as though reminding the principals that he was still there. Eric took notes, but it was clear that the BUP leader was not buying the line about a twenty-first-century Bosnia. HasoviÄ may not love the status quo, but he had learned to benefit from it. Change was risk, and Sondergaard and Wylie had not done enough to spell out the potential benefits.
Then HasoviÄ said something that seemed to Eric like an opening.
âThe burden always seems to fall most heavily on those who have been a failed initiativeâs most committed supporters,â HasoviÄ continued. âPolitical leaders suffer. Business suffers. The position of the Bosniak Unity Party is really quite delicate. We are faced with some potentially serious setbacks. I have to consider the good of my party as well.â
Eric understood what HasoviÄ was saying, and he also knew that neither Wylie nor Sondergaard was in a position to grasp its significance.
âYou do know, Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, that the international community would want to protect key public enterprises inthe transition to a new unitary political system . . . to ensure continuity of certain services.â
Eric was breaking protocol by speaking up, but if there was a chance to capitalize on the opportunity HasoviÄ had given them and potentially get him behind the Sondergaard Plan, it was worth pissing off Wylie. Hell, pissing off Wylie might even be a good enough reason to do it.
HasoviÄâs eyes narrowed as he considered what Eric had said. This was language he could relate to.
âWhat kind of businesses are you talking about?â he asked carefully.
Eric glanced briefly at Wylie and Sondergaard. The ambassador looked like he had just bitten into a rotten piece of fruit, but the High Representative gave him the briefest and subtlest of nods.
Go ahead.
âBasic services, really. Electricity. Water.â Eric paused and looked HasoviÄ squarely in the eyes. âTrash collection.â
Blue Line Sanitation, the quasi-private company that had the lucrative contract for trash pickup in the greater Sarajevo municipal area, was under the nominal control of HasoviÄâs son-in-law. In reality, it was an open secret that HasoviÄ called the shots and had first claim on the spoils. Blue Line Sanitation was the single most important source of funding for the Bosniak Unity Party, which was run more like a for-profit company than a political party. For HasoviÄâs profit, actually. In the last few weeks, there had been talk that Blue Line might lose the contract to a rival company with close ties to the powerful interior minister. HasoviÄ could not allow that.
âSo what would happen to existing