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by South African agents.
    Thami Zulu wanted peace but in those days the whites were in no mood to listen. In 1988 nine ANC guerillas were massacred in separate ambushes as they entered the country from Swaziland. The killings had a paralyzing effect on the ANC leadership which was reduced to paranoia about informers in its ranks. The ANC security section, independent of the military and with draconian investigatory powers, recalled Thami Zulu to Lusaka. He was placed under house arrest and then formally detained.
    Chris Hani and Joe Modise, commander of MK or Umkhonto we Sizwe, made furious demands in the National Executive to have access to him. They were refused. After seventeen months in detention, a large part in solitary, Thami Zulu was released. Five days later he was dead, at the age of thirty-five. That started bitter controversy in the ANC and a commission of inquiry was set up. The findings were never made public but it is generally believed there was no evidence that Thami Zulu was a South African agent, the reason for holding him. Cause of death was given as tuberculosis, which he had had for some time. The real cause was something else. The English newspaper, the Guardian, obtained a copy of an analysis made of Thami Zulu’s blood and stomach after his death. Diazon, an organo-phosphorous pesticide, was detected in both specimens. The pesticide is a particularly toxic poison. Only three men were known to have seen Thami Zulu in the twenty-four hours before he died, Ngubane, Nofomela and Ngwenya. They served under him in Natal as part of the regional command structure. These three were the most wanton, ruthless killers ever to see service in the ANC military. Their absence was clearly noted when they refused to appear before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission set up after Mandela became president. This was allowed and many refused, particularly senior whites previously in national security and government and members of the predominantly black Inkatha Freedom Party. If Ngubane, Nofomela and Ngwenya had appeared they would never have got amnesty for political crimes and would probably have been arrested and prosecuted if the evidence was there. Now, because they refused to apply to the TRC for amnesty they are at large. These men are the three guerillas we want.
    T he fourth black is a Zulu gangster named Moses Shozi. He plays a prominent role in the Inkatha Freedom Party who want their own state as much as we do. They are natural enemies of the ANC who have been in power since Mandela’s release. Shozi is guarded and extremely dangerous. He should be the first hit followed by the guerillas.
    Shozi's a member of a gang called Amasignora. It is the Zulu equivalent of the Afrikaner Broederbond as it used to be known although the reason for its existence is less subtle, quite simply the murder of those who obstruct the political ambition of Inkatha. Their favourite target is the ANC and ultimately they're behind much of the head-on violence in the townships. Apparently some of our people would have been content if the activities of this gang remained at that but some of them were too clever. Before and after the ANC was unbanned it is no secret that there have been a number of attacks on white farmsteads. Invariably these were attributed to Umkhonto we Sizwe and Azapo, the Azanian Peoples Organization, but evidence shows this is not true. Inkatha were the villains in some of these attacks and quite cleverly stamped the carnage as the work of their black enemies. As recently as four months ago, three families were killed on farms in northern KwaZulu-Natal. Years before they had moved down from where they farmed near the Zimbabwe border. One of the families was related to a senior member in the group and he never rested until he believed he knew who had done it. His findings pointed to Inkatha, specifically Shozi. That is one of the reasons why he is on the list.
    Shozi lives in his own house in KwaZulu-Natal. He