Marcello, Jimmy Hoffa, and Tampa’s Santo
Trafficante prime targets for investigation. Bobby eventually pressured
J. Edgar Hoover, now officially Bobby’s subordinate, into making some
efforts against the Mafia, but in the meantime Bobby developed his
own staff of special prosecutors in the Justice Department. In addition
to his staff of Mafia prosecutors, Bobby organized a separate Justice
Department group, informally called the “Get Hoffa Squad,” to target
the Teamster leader. Bobby Kennedy used compartmentalization for
security and administrative reasons, keeping the Get Hoffa Squad and
his Mafia prosecutors almost completely separate. This tactic would
have grave repercussions around the time of JFK’s assassination, when
both groups were kept separate not only from each other, but also from
Bobby’s covert Cuban operations, and each group had crucial informa-
tion the other needed.
In addition to Bobby’s focus on the Mafia and Hoffa, the early 1960s
were a turbulent and transitional time in the area of civil rights. This
was the era of segregated schools in many parts of the country, though
racial discrimination was worst in the South, where even public drink-
ing fountains and movie theaters were often still segregated. Most state
Chapter One
7
legislatures had no blacks or Hispanics, and all-white juries were the
norm. Bobby and his Justice Department played a leading role in the
growing civil rights movement, enforcing the law when local or state
officials refused, or even broke the law themselves.
In June 1963, Governor George Wallace had stood in the doorway
of the University of Alabama to block admittance to a black student,
only weeks after Birmingham Police Chief Bull Connor had turned
attack dogs and fire hoses on peacefully protesting children. A few days
after that attack, the motel where Martin Luther King was staying was
bombed, and JFK had to call out troops to maintain order in Birming-
ham. Though King was able to marshal two hundred thousand people
to Washington in August 1963 to hear his “I Have a Dream” speech, civil
rights crusaders faced a constant threat of violence. Mississippi civil
rights leader Medgar Evers had been assassinated by a sniper in June
1963, and in September four little girls died when Birmingham’s 16th
Street Baptist Church was bombed.
Prosecutions for such crimes were largely local matters in 1963, since
the comprehensive federal civil rights legislation sought by JFK and
Bobby was proving problematic. Even with the help of Vice President
Johnson, a consummate dealmaker when he had led the Senate in the
late 1950s, passing such legislation would be difficult because of resis-
tance from powerful conservatives in Congress, mostly from the South.
Building Southern political support for JFK and his policies would be
one reason for the President’s open motorcades in Florida (on November
18, 1963) and Texas (on November 21 and 22).
Bobby would have had his hands full if he’d done nothing but focus
on civil rights, the Mafia, and Hoffa, as well as his extensive advice to
JFK about political and personal affairs, but there was still more on his
plate. Bobby also had a hand in foreign policy, which included being
one of several advisors to JFK about the growing problem of Vietnam.
The country’s dictator had been killed on November 2, 1963, following
a coup by military officers. JFK had approved the coup to remove the
corrupt dictator and his family from power, but hadn’t expected them
to be killed; a famous photo captured JFK’s anguish when he first heard
the news of their death. It’s important to remember that in November
1963, there were officially no US combat troops in Vietnam (only several
thousand “advisors”), and US casualties under JFK totaled less than
a hundred. Even with that relatively low level of commitment, most
scholars and former officials agree that JFK had decided to reduce