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available for a letter from Lloyd George. Cope actually brought this letter from Downing Street. It was an invitation to de Valera and anyone he wished to accompany him to London for discussions with representatives of the British government and Sir James Craig, the new prime minister of Northern Ireland.
    Cope arranged for Jan C. Smuts, the South African prime minister, to visit Dublin for secret talks with the president on 5 July 1921.

1 - ‘I mean to make them responsible’
    Part of the aim in having Prime Minister Jan C. Smuts of South Africa come to Ireland was for him to get an idea of the kind of peace settlement that Sinn Féin leaders desired, so that he could pass on the information to Lloyd George. De Valera explained that before there could be any talks with the British, there would have to be a truce, and he insisted that he would not take part in three-way talks that included Craig.
    â€˜What do you propose as a solution of the Irish question?’ Smuts asked
    â€˜A republic,’ de Valera replied.
    â€˜Do you really think that the British people are ever likely to agree to such a republic?’
    Such a status was so desirable, de Valera explained, the Irish side would agree to be bound by treaty limitations guaranteeing Britain’s legitimate security needs, but he emphasised they would not be prepared to accept any limitations on dominion status. In short, he insisted the Irish people should have the choice between a ‘republic plus treaty limitations and dominion status without limitations.’
    â€˜We want a free choice,’ de Valera emphasised. ‘Not a choice where the alternative is force. We must not be bullied into a decision.’
    â€˜The British people will never give you this choice,’ Smuts replied. ‘You are next door to them.’ He then talked about the difficulties in South Africa following the Boer War and noted that when the people were subsequently asked if they wanted a republic, ‘a very large majority’ preferred free partnership with the British empire. ‘As a friend,’ Smuts added, ‘I cannot advise you too strongly against a republic. Ask what you want but not a republic.’
    â€˜If the status of dominion rule is offered,’ de Valera replied, ‘I will use all our machinery to get the Irish people to accept it.’
    Smuts reported on his Irish visit to a cabinet level meeting in London next day. It was decided to accede to de Valera’s demands for a truce, and it was left to him to take the initiative for Craig’s exclusion. He did this by agreeing to meet the prime minister to discuss ‘on what basis such a conference as that proposed can reasonably hope to achieve peace.’
    Robert Barton, one of those recently released from jail in order to promote the peace initiative, helped to conclude what he called ‘an armed truce. It was, as I understood, agreed to by our side for one reason only, mainly to enable to volunteers to rearm and equip,’ he explained. ‘I was one of those who negotiated it.’
    William Darling, who later became chancellor of Edinburgh University, was serving as Major-General Tudor’s secretary in Dublin Castle at the time. He recalled a strange incident one night before the Truce when he was sent out to collect a ‘high official’ following an accident in Newry. A police car was in collision with the vehicle containing the official. When Darling arrived at the scene he found a group of men standing around with the official. They had been going from Belfast to Dublin, and they piled into Darling’s car.
    Collins got into the front with Darling and the driver. He could feel the gun that Darling was carrying. ‘Are you carrying a gun?’ Collins asked.
    â€˜I am.’
    He then guessed at Darling’s name but was wrong, so he said he was one of two other people. This time he was right.
    â€˜Do you know