HRC: State Secrets and the Rebirth of Hillary Clinton Read Online Free Page B

about disliking the superdelegate process.
    “I think you know as well as I know that Hillary is going to win in your district, and you should support the people of your district by supporting Hillary,” Clinton said.
    If there was anybody who knew what it took to be president, it was Bill Clinton, and the Clintons had been suggesting Obama wasn’t ready to be president. That had caught Altmire’s attention. What did he mean by that? What were his concerns?
    “Why do you think that Senator Obama is so not qualified to be president?” Altmire asked.
    Clinton looked up. “I didn’t say he was not qualified,” he explained. “I don’t want to say that, but when I became president, when I look back, I made some mistakes early because of inexperience. I was not as prepared to be president as I thought I would be. This guy is not nearly as ready to be president as I was in 1993.” Then Clinton turned bitter, saying Obama’s “buddies in the media” would just “cover it up anyway” if he did make mistakes.
    When the votes were tallied on April 22, Hillary won Pennsylvania by 10 points and Altmire’s district by 31 points. The result increased the pressure on Altmire, who had been saying all along that he didn’t like the idea of reversing the will of his own constituents. Now, having spoken, they had shouted, “Hillary!” Where they had once been a convenient shield, protecting Altmire from having to make a decision, they now became the point of Hillary’s spear.
    A miscommunication made the inevitable showdown even more painful than necessary. Through the union grapevine, Hillary’s aides got the erroneous message that Altmire was ready to endorse her. They invited him to meet with her one morning later that week at the DNC’s Washington headquarters. Clinton, weary from a six-week marathon of campaigning in Pennsylvania, rose early to meet with Altmire at eight a.m. Coffee and bagels were the standard fare in the small conference room that Hillary used to court superdelegates. There was a table in the room, but two chairs had been pulledaway from it so that Hillary could talk to him face-to-face, at close range, with nothing separating them. She had previously told staff that pleading for superdelegate votes felt beneath her, beneath what the Clintons had accomplished, and beneath what they had become accustomed to in terms of treatment from fellow politicians. But now she had no other options. Clinton, expecting to get Altmire’s endorsement, and Altmire, knowing she wouldn’t get it, locked eyes.
    Hillary started. President Clinton had enjoyed meeting Altmire, and she had enjoyed running up the score in his district. Now there was nothing standing in the way of Altmire endorsing her, just as the Democrats in his district had. Altmire said he was impressed by just how well she had done with them. Dispensing quickly with the small talk, Clinton pressed him on his decision as a superdelegate. Altmire retreated to familiar territory, explaining for the umpteenth time why he didn’t like the system.
    For the first time, Hillary realized that he wasn’t going to endorse her under any circumstances. She had hit her limit. She didn’t let him finish. She stood up, put her hand out to shake his, and said she appreciated his time. Pleasantries included, the exchange had lasted about seven minutes. For Hillary, that was seven minutes too long.
    When Altmire was gone, she lashed out at her aides. “Such a fucking waste of time,” she fumed, her voice full of disgust and frustration. “I thought you said he was going to endorse me.”
    She later apologized for the outburst, but the anger ran true and deep. The Altmire episode would remain a sore spot for Hillary and her aides for years. They felt he had milked his superdelegate status for all it was worth, exchanging the favor of his time for access to the former president and first lady. The Clinton team expected that at some point he might stop acting the