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Colombian military veterans.
    With only the support of the one prince, Erik Prince was kicked out of the UAE after a falling-out over a New York Times story that laid out the terms and conditions of Reflexive Responses’s entire contract. The company still exists, but it seems that Prince has been persona non grata in the UAE ever since.
    Who the mysterious Colombian heard in the videotape is will be difficult to discern. Too many people across Western Europe and the Middle East wanted Gaddafi dead. It would have been highly embarrassing if Gaddafi had stood trial in the International Criminal Court and started talking about what governments he had under-the-table agreements with. This is the same reason that SEAL Team Six had to liquidate Osama Bin Laden in Abbotabad, Pakistan. Had he been brought back for trial, he would have revealed the associations he’d had with the US government when the CIA supported the Mujahedin’s war against the Soviets, calling American foreign policy into question.
    Libya seemed to be becoming something of a free-for-all, with Gaddafi loyalists, rebel fighters, mercenaries, jihadists, contractors, and SAS and Delta force soldiers running around the battle space. Navigating this mess on behalf of the United States was Christopher Stevens, who arrived in Libya as a Special Representative of the State Department during the civil war.
    With NATO enforcing a no-fly area over the warzone, there were no commercial flights into Libya, so Stevens and his entourage had to come into the country on a Greek cargo ship docking in Benghazi. Fluent in Arabic and French, Stevens had held diplomatic posts in Israel, Syria, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, in addition to his previous position as the Deputy Chief of Mission between 2007 and 2009. Known for his ability to mix it up with the locals and stroll around the souks of the Middle East on his own, Stevens was by all accounts the right man for the challenging task that lay ahead of him in the midst of a full-blown civil war.
    B Y THEIR NATURE, very little is known about covert and clandestine operations—unless, of course, something goes drastically wrong.
    At five in the morning on April 20th, 2012, a van hurtled over the guardrail on a bridge crossing the Niger River in the West African nation of Mali. In total, six people were killed when the van sank into the river below. Three were Moroccan prostitutes. One was a US Army Civil Affairs soldier. Another was listed as Civil Affairs as a cover for his real work. The remaining fatality was Master Sergeant Trevor Bast, assigned to Intelligence and Security Command (INSCOM) at Ft. Belvoir, also a cover. Bast and one of the Civil Affairs soldiers were almost certainly members of the elite, but relatively unknown, Intelligence Support Activity.
    Intelligence Support Activity, or ISA, operates under various codenames, which rotate every few years. As a part of JSOC, ISA operators help prepare battlespace for other Special Operations units, usually Delta Force or SEAL Team Six. Previous ISA missions include hunting down war criminals in the Balkans and locating Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar. Man hunting is one of this unit’s specialties—part of a robust list of SIGINT and HUMINT capabilities. Like the rest of JSOC, ISA has not been hurting for work during the War on Terror.
    Special Operations forces had been focusing on Africa for a number of years. As Rangers, Delta, and SEALs churned through one High Value Target after another in Afghanistan and Iraq, strategic planners knew that Islamic radicals would be looking for new places to seek safe harbor and to stage future operations. Blue Squadron of SEAL Team Six culled more than a few Al-Shabbab terrorists in Somalia, while Red Squadron executed the USS Maersk hostage rescue mission in Somali pirate waters. Meanwhile, Special Forces and SEALs moved into Uganda, seeking to rid the country of the already-defunct Lord’s Resistance Army. The